Why
Academic Boycott -
A reply to an Israeli comrade
Tanya Reinhart
Tel Aviv,
May 17, 2002
Dear Baruch Kimmerling,
Last week, you published in Ha'aretz a moving letter defending
the freedom of expression of a group of Israeli professors, including
myself, who signed a European petition calling for a moratorium
on European support to the Israeli academia. Here is what you wrote:
"The Coordinating Council of the Faculty Associations [of
the Israeli universities] issued a public statement, which appeared
in Ha'aretz on May 6, denouncing the call of scientists in Europe
and North America to declare a boycott on the Israeli academia,
following... supposed war crimes that the State of Israel committed
in the occupied territories.
As someone who acted immediately and actively against this boycott,
because I saw this as a blatant violation of academic freedom,
which is the essence of academic research and teaching, I was
shocked by this statement. The shock stems from the content of
the document, which not only denounces the boycott, but also denounces
that minority of the Israeli academic personnel that support the
proposed boycott.
For precisely the same reason that one should oppose the boycott,
one should oppose the denouncement of academic members who think
differently. Instead of insisting on the freedom of speech and
thought of all its members, the council launched an attack on
this freedom.... I demand the immediate resignation of those responsible
for this outrageous public statement."
In the present climate in Israel, it is comforting, and far from
trivial, to hear voices still defending old fashioned ideas like
freedom of speech. For this reason, I appreciate your letter. Nevertheless,
I would like to explain here why your defense still leaves me utterly
unmoved.
BACKGROUND
ON THE ACADEMIC BOYCOTT
First some background on the academic boycott. An accurate description
of the events that set the Israeli academia roaring was given in
an Ha'aretz article by Tamara Traubman:
"The first time that the international scientific community
imposed a boycott on a state was during the Apartheid regime in
South Africa. The second time is being considered at present,
and now the boycott is directed against Israel and its policy
in the territories. Several manifestos calling for the imposition
of a boycott, on various levels, have been published in recent
days by professors from abroad...The first...was initiated by
a pair of British researchers, Professors Hilary and Steven Rose
of Britain's Open University. The manifesto suggests that European
research institutes stop treating Israel like a European country
in their scientific relations with it, until Israel acts according
to UN resolutions and opens serious peace negotiations with the
Palestinians. (Israel enjoys the status of a European country
in many European research programs). Over 270 European scientists,
including about 10 Israelis, signed the manifesto. Although it
is the most moderate of the boycotts being formulated these days
against Israel, the manifesto aroused a great deal of anger in
the Israeli scientific community..."
(Ha'aretz, April 25, 2002, "The Intifada Reaches the Ivory
Tower" http://news.haaretz.co.il/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=155710&contrassID=
2&subContrassID=5&sbSubContrassID=0&listSrc=Y&itemNo=155710)
We can distinguish three forms of the academic boycott. The first
is part of a larger cultural boycott -- cultural events in Israel
have been boycotted for quite a while. In the academic sphere, the
boycott is on any cooperation with institutional events of the Israeli
academia in Israel. This means that scholars cancel participation
in conferences and official academic events (e.g. some refuse an
honorary degree offer) (1).
This form of boycott is already a fact. The reason is that it is
the easiest step for individual scholars to take on their own. It
is not always easy to distinguish between those canceling participation
in events of the Israeli academia for safety reasons and those who
are boycotting, but the phenomenon is quite large, as Traubman reports:
"The most obvious expression of the isolation of the Israeli
scientific community is the refusal of researchers to come here...
'Whereas in the past Israel held many international congresses,
says Gideon Rivlin, the chair of Kenes International, the principal
organizer of such congresses, today there are no longer any international
congresses in Israel.' ... 'Until 2004,' adds Rivlin, 'all the
congresses in Israel have been canceled'... Brain researcher Prof.
Idan Segev...from HU [Hebrew University, Jerusalem], says that
scientists tend to refuse to come not only to scientific congresses,
but also for joint research projects as well. 'At a conference
abroad a short time ago, I met a friend with whom I've been working
for many years; every year he comes to Israel for a few weeks
to work with me,' says Segev. 'This year he told me openly, `I
can't come, the moment I arrive, I am taking a political step.'
For them it's like going to South Africa'." (Ha'aretz, ibid.).
The second, and more recent form, is economic sanctions on the
Israeli academia. This extends the other forms of economic pressure
which have been observed for a while: Consumer boycott; canceling
European contracts with Israeli computer companies (http://www.israelinsider.com/channels/politics/articles/pol_0138.htm);
and the divestment movements in the US academy, where scholars and
students in Berkeley, Princeton, Harvard, and MIT call on their
universities to divest from US companies doing business in Israel,
as means of pressure on these companies not to help Israel's economy.
(See www.harvardmitdivest.org, www.princetondivest.org/apartheid.htm).
While these actions target various aspects of the Israeli economy
(industry and agriculture, electronics companies, etc.) the academic
boycott targets the research funds of the Israeli academia, thus
applying direct economic pressure on the academia, as a central
(and collaborating) part of the state of Israel.
As Traubman reports,
"Members of prestigious scientific bodies, such as the Norwegian
Academy of Sciences, have condemned Israel's actions in the territories,
and criticized their Israeli colleagues for their indifference
to the situation of Palestinian researchers, and the damage to
academic institutions in the Palestinian Authority. According
to Israeli diplomatic sources, steps to have Israel join several
large European projects have been postponed until further notice
-- for example, accepting Israel as a member of a particle acceleration
project at the CERN laboratory in Geneva. The contacts that began
behind the scenes have been halted at this stage..." (Ha'aretz,
ibid.).
The specific academic petition which ignited the fury of the Israeli
academia, falls within this second type of boycott (2). This is
a call for economic sanctions on the Israeli academia in general,
and not for full boycott of ties with individual Israeli academics.
The third form of the academic boycott, however, extends it also
to this most severe stage -- practiced in the South-Africa boycott
-- of complete international isolation of individual Israeli scholars.
It prohibits any contact with them -- invitations to conferences
abroad, research collaborations, publications, editorial boards,
etc (3).
Among the supporters of academic boycott, opinions are divided
about the third form of boycott. At the individual level, many Israeli
academics oppose the occupation and Israel's brutality in the territories.
A large minority of them is actively involved, like you, Baruch,
in a daily struggle against all these. Furthermore, among the goals
of academic boycott is to encourage the Israeli academics to take
a more active part in struggle and resistance. For this, it would
help if we feel part of a large international community, sharing
this cause, rather than completely isolated from it. Personally,
I support the first two forms of academic boycott, but not the third
form of individual boycott.
Nevertheless, there is no doubt that if the economic-institutional
boycott is successful and research funds to the Israeli academia
are cut off, this will effect individual researchers, including
not only you and me, but also students and young scholars who are
supported by research grants. This is the logic of sanctions --
they are meant to hurt the political and economic system, and in
that process, they inevitably hurt all segments of the targeted
society. In South Africa, the Blacks were among the first to suffer
from the boycott. Still they pleaded with the West to continue.
WHY BOYCOTT
The model of boycott followed here is, indeed, that which was formed
in the case of South Africa. Just a few years ago, in 1993, the
whole world celebrated when the Apartheid regime in South Africa
collapsed after 50 years of brutal discrimination and oppression.
This change did not come about on its own. It was the outcome of
a long and painful struggle of the blacks in South Africa. But the
anti-Apartheid movement, throughout the world, also had an enormous
impact.
The struggle was directed at governments on the one hand, and directly
at corporations doing business with SA, on the other. There were
protests and demonstrations demanding that an arms embargo be imposed.
The pressure on corporations to divest, targeted specific corporations
with product boycotts accompanied by demonstrations, stockholders
speaking at meetings (churches who owned stocks, could get a few
people in), and much more.
Following this pressure, in 1977 the UN Security Council imposed
limited sanctions on South Africa. Their impact was, in fact, limited
as long as the great powers -- primarily UK and US -- found ways
around them (like getting Israel to provide arms, military training
and oil to SA.). But during the eighties, the big corporations were
beginning to move out of their SA ties anyway, due to the protest
and turmoil it generated. Suddenly, there was a heavy economic price
for the continuation of Apartheid.
This was combined with another aspect of pressure -- cultural boycott
and social isolation: South Africa was kicked out of international
sports; professional and academic organizations did not cooperate
with South-African organizations; there was a ban on conferences
and cultural events. All these helped. South Africa was forced to
change (4).
I have no doubt that you supported the South Africa boycott. Where
we may differ is in the question whether the Israeli case is sufficiently
similar. I believe that even much before its present atrocities,
Israel has followed faithfully the South-African Apartheid model.
Since Oslo, Israel has been pushing the Palestinians in the occupied
territories into smaller and smaller isolated enclaves, promising,
in return, to consider calling these enclaves, in some future, a
Palestinian 'state' -- a direct copy of the Bantustans model. (For
a detailed description of the early Apartheid stages, see my article
in Ha'aretz Magazine, May 27, 94, http://www.tau.ac.il/~reinhart/political/
27.5.94_TheEraOfYellowTerritories.html).
Unlike South Africa, however, Israel has managed so far to sell
its policy as a big compromise for peace. Aided by a battalion of
cooperating 'peace-camp' intellectuals, they managed to convince
the world that it is possible to establish a Palestinians state
without land-reserves, without water, without a glimpse of a chance
of economic independence, in isolated ghettos surrounded by fences,
settlements, bypass roads and Israeli army posts -- a virtual state
which serves one purpose: separation (Apartheid). "We are here
and they are there" -- behind the fences, as Barak put it.
But no matter what you think of the Oslo years, what Israel is
doing now exceeds the crimes of the South Africa's white regime.
It has started to take the form of systematic ethnic cleansing,
which South Africa never attempted. After thirty-five years of occupation,
it is completely clear that the only two choices the Israeli political
system has generated for the Palestinians are Apartheid or ethnic
cleansing ('transfer'). Apartheid is the 'enlightened' Labor party's
program (as in their Alon or Oslo plan), while the other pole is
advocating slow suffocation of the Palestinians, until the eventual
'transfer' (mass expulsion) can be accomplished. ("Jordan is
the Palestinian state", is how Sharon put it in the eighties.)
(5). Even those who can swallow 'made in Israel' Apartheid, cannot
just watch silently as Sharon carries this second vision out.
Given that the US backs Sharon, no UN resolution has any force.
This was made perfectly clear by the latest shocking example in
which Israel managed to defy the resolution regarding a search committee
for the events of Jenin. The only way left to exert pressure on
Israel to stop is through the protest of people around the world,
including use of the most painful means of boycott. As an Israeli,
I believe that this external pressure may save not only the Palestinians,
but also the Israeli society, which is, in fact, not being represented
by the political system. In a recent poll, 59% of the Jewish Israelis
support immediate evacuation of most settlements, followed by a
unilateral withdrawal of the army from the occupied territories
(www.peace-now.org/Campaign2002/
PollMay2002.rtf). But with no external pressure, no political party
will carry out this will of the majority.
WHY
THE ACADEMIA
I am not sure whether your objections to the moratorium on research
funds to the Israeli academia, which we called for, is because you
object to any divestment or boycott moves, or whether you think
the academia should be exempt. Many Israeli academics hold the latter
view, so I suppose it is also yours. You say in your letter that
the reason you "acted immediately and actively against this
boycott" is "because I saw this as a blatant violation
of academic freedom, which is the essence of academic research and
teaching." This is a very peculiar use of the concept of academic
freedom. What is under consideration here is your freedom to access
international research funds. You seem to view this type of freedom
as an inalienable right, untouchable by any considerations of the
international community regarding the context in which its funds
are used. But it is not. The traditional spirit of the academia,
no matter how much of it is preserved in daily practice, is that
intellectual responsibility includes the safeguarding of moral principles.
The international academic community has the full right to decide
that it does not support institutions of societies which divert
blatantly from such principles. You had no problem accepting this
when South Africa was concerned.
The only question is whether there is anything about the Israeli
academia (as an institution, unlike individual resisting academics)
that could exempt it from the condemnation and pressure of the international
community. Let us turn to the broader arsenal of the arguments used
to argue that. You find yourself here in large company. The Israeli
academia, which was not so impressed with mere condemnations and
the ongoing ban on official academic events in Israel, got on its
feet when its freedom to access international funds was at stake.
In a matter of days, they organized a counter petition (to the British
petition above), which has gathered thousands of signatures (http://www7.huji.ac.il/euroisrael2002/).
Dr. Ben Avot, one of the organizers of the counter petition "says
that 'the signatories come from a wide array of opinions about the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ranging from members of [the right-wing]
`Professors for National Strength' to people who are usually identified
with the left, such as Prof. Baruch Kimmerling'" (Traubman,
Ha'aretz, ibid.).
A basic principle that the counter-petition you signed is based
on, is that science should always be separated from politics. It
is this line which enabled the Israeli academia to live in peace
with the occupation for thirty five years. Never in its history
did the senate of any Israeli university pass a resolution protesting
the frequent closure of Palestinian universities, let alone voice
protest the devastation sowed there during the last uprising. (Such
resolution would be a violation of the sacred principle of separation
-- more examples of this below.) If in extreme situations of violations
of human rights and moral principles, the academia refuses to criticize
and take a side, it collaborates with the oppressing system. But
as we saw, it is precisely this principle, and the collaboration
that it entails, which the international community is now condemning.
Interestingly, the principle of separation of science and politics
never applies when what is at stake is defending the interests of
Israel. The powerful Israeli scientific lobby managed to arrange
an editorial in the central scientific journal Nature, which repeats
faithfully the arguments of this counter petition ('Don't Boycott
Israel's Scientists', Nature 417, 1, May 2, 2002).
What are these ('non political') arguments? One is that "A
unilateral boycott of Israeli academics unfairly identifies Israel
as the only party responsible for the violent shift in Israeli-Palestinian
relations and ignores ongoing attacks against innocent Israeli citizens.
Such a one-sided perspective is contrary to academic standards of
truth-seeking" (Israeli counter-petition). "...Should
we also boycott Palestinian researchers because the Palestinian
Authority has not done enough to prevent suicide bombers?"
(Nature editorial). Well, this is precisely what people of conscience
no longer buy. Basic human values and standards do not place equal
responsibility on the oppressor and the oppressed, when the oppressed
tries to rebel. Even when we strongly condemn the means used by
the oppressed, this does not exempt the oppressor. I take it for
granted that you, Baruch, place the responsibility for thirty-five
years of occupation and Apartheid on the Israeli governments, and
not on the Palestinian people. I assume that you just did not bother
to read the petition you signed.
But the next set of arguments is probably the heart of the matter
for many. The Israeli academy views itself as liberal, democratic,
and sensitive to issues of human rights. Hence "to boycott
Israeli academics would endanger the democratic values and respect
for human rights this community works hard to foster" (Israeli
counter-petition). Most importantly, the academy views itself as
promoting values of coexistence and peace by means of a "meaningful
dialogue" with its Palestinian colleagues: "European programs
have provided important frameworks for Middle East scholars to meet...
to discuss academic topics of mutual interest, and to build informal
interpersonal ties, thus helping to counter years of accumulated
misunderstanding and animosity." (Ibid.). Hence, boycotting
the Israeli academia will harm its devoted work of reconciliation
and peace.
Nature's editorial is even more enthusiastic about this peace endeavor.
"Science is less political than other issues, and is a bridge
for peace. That is what Leah Boehm, then chief scientist at Israel's
science ministry, enthusiastically told Nature in 1995. Then, Israeli
and Palestinian researchers were optimistic that the peace process
would cause funds to flow to joint Arab-Israeli projects from the
international community, reinforcing peace by contributing to dialogue,
and boosting research in the region..." Hence, Nature concludes,
"the world's scientific community" should "jump at"
the opportunity to support the Israeli academia, and thus, "encourage
Middle-East peace." Even Nature must admit that "subsequent
events have left these noble aspirations in tatters." But it
calls on the scientific community to help the Israeli academia (with
research funds) to renew the spirit of these wonderful years of
dialogue. (This is emphasized further in Nature's second editorial
of May 16)
It is typical and revealing that in proving the contribution of
the Israeli academia to dialogue and peace, this editorial of Nature
cites only Israeli (and one American) scholars. The Palestinian
perspective is, apparently, irrelevant. If it were, a very different
perspective on that golden era of Oslo and 'peace' would emerge.
Here is a fragment of a report of Sari Hanafi, Associate Researcher
at the Palestinian Center for the Study of Democracy (6). It was
written before the Palestinian uprising, and describes an event
of 1998/1999:
"In end of 1998, the Jerusalem Spinoza Institute called the
Palestinian University of Al-Quds (based in Jerusalem) to cooperate
with it in order to organize an international conference, in August
1999, entitled 'Moral Philosophy in Education: The Challenge of
human Difference'... The pros [for accepting the invitation] were
supported by two arguments: first, the cooperation could help
persuade the Ministry of Education to recognize Al-Quds University,
taking into account that non-recognition is purely political;
the second argument is related to the first: it consists of trying
to convince the Ministry of Interior to not expel the administration
and the main building of the university outside of Jerusalem (as
announced once by an Israeli official). In fact, these two arguments
show that the romantic view of cultural cooperation between two
civil societies hide all the power imbalance between the two societies
-- between an occupied and occupying people: 'We are here to put
apart divergence and talk on science, philosophy and education
far from politics', as argued by the President of the Spinoza
Institute...
"However between May and August 1999, a serious incident
happened: the Ministry of Interior of the Barak government withdrew
the Identity Document of Musa Budeiri, a director of the Center
of International Relations in Al-Quds University and a resident
of East Jerusalem. Native of Jerusalem, his family has lived there
for hundreds of years, under Ottoman, British and Jordanian rule.
He was given a tourist visa, valid for four weeks, and was told
that he would have to leave Jerusalem by August 22 -- Musa Budeiri
is one of thousands of other Palestinians in a similar situation.
They all have the same problem: they are subject to the threat
of being turned into 'tourists' in their birthplace. 2,200 Jerusalem
ID cards of families (roughly 8,800 individuals) were confiscated
between 1996 and May 1999 (according to the Israeli ministry of
Interior)...
"In the opening session, Sari Nusseibeh, the president of
Al-Quds University, contrary to his habit, gave a very moving
speech concerned exclusively with the case of Musa Budeiri and
his family. To outline the roots of the Budeiri family in this
city, he discussed a manuscript on Jerusalem history written by
Musa's father, which has never been edited. Sari Nusseibeh, pioneer
of the dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians, finished his
speech by saying that he is torn morally by these events, adding
that the Israelis should not expect to conduct further dialogue
with Palestinians, as the latter are increasingly becoming tourists
[in their land]. If almost all of the participants were moved,
the organizers were not. The president of Jerusalem Spinoza Institute
commented on Nusseibeh's speech saying that 'there is some military
problems' between Israelis and Palestinians which have not yet
been resolved, while the rector of the Hebrew University asked
Nusseibeh where he can find the Budeiri manuscript, as the Hebrew
University would like to have it!!
"Finally the organizers of the conference refused to send
the Minister of Interior a petition in favor of Budeiri, signed
by the majority of the participants. The argument used was that
there is a separation between the academic sphere and the political
one, and as scholars they cannot take a position" (6).
This event took place in the days of peaceful Apartheid. Al-Quds
University, Nature finally acknowledged in its May 16 issue that,
"Al-Quds University claims that Israeli soldiers badly damaged
laboratories and other buildings at its campuses in El Bireh and
Ramallah. The university has asked the Israeli government and the
international community to send fact-finding missions and to help
rebuild its infrastructure" (Declan Butler, European correspondent,
Nature 417, 207, 16 May 2002)
As the most decisive argument for why no moratorium on research
funds should apply, the Israeli counter petition and its echo in
Nature point out that this will harm the Palestinian academia. "Many
European-funded programs have explicitly aimed at enhancing scientific
cooperation between Israelis, Palestinians and Arab scholars...Freezing
Israeli access to, and participation in, such programs would...damage
these important frameworks and undermine the benefits to research"
(Israeli counter petition). This theme is further developed and
emphasized in the more recent Nature editorial of May 16. Regardless
of what the facts are about this "energetic scientific collaboration,"
this is the standard colonialist argument. The colonialists were
always certain that they are bringing progress to the natives. Here
is what Prof. Rita Giacaman of Birzeit University told me about
the matter: "Several individually linked projects began with
Israelis since the Oslo accords were signed, mainly because Europe
and the US were luring scientists with the carrot of money in a
money starved environment, in exchange for being used as 'evidence'
for peace and equity having been achieved, when the stick never
stopped hitting Palestinian infrastructure, institutions, political
processes and academic life. It thus placed us in the political
arena, using us to show peace that does not exist and equity that
exists even less. Many of us Palestinian academics chose not to
get involved in such academic cooperative relations with Israelis
and continued solidarity activities [with Israelis], aimed at changing
the political reality instead -the root cause of the problem...
Anyway, the issue is not about Israeli scientists helping out. This
is like taking away the right of villagers to till their land and
then giving them some food-aid instead. The issue is ending occupation
and allowing Palestinian to develop their institutions, including
scientific ones." (Personal communication, May 2002).
If continuing support to the Israeli academia is what the Palestinian
academia considers best for its future, we should hear it from them.
What I hear from my comrades in the Palestinian academia is only
a full and unequivocal support for the boycott.
(1) French and Australian petitions are calling also for avoiding
any other institutional cooperation, such as serving in promotion
procedures of the Israeli universities, though the French call declares
that they will continue individual ties with Israeli scholars. (http://www.pjpo.org/,
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/bin/petition.html).
(2) Here is the full text of the British petition that we signed,
which was published in The Guardian (London) on April 6, 2002, with
the first 120 signatures:
"Despite widespread international condemnation for its policy
of violent repression against the Palestinian people in the Occupied
Territories, the Israeli government appears impervious to moral
appeals from world leaders. The major potential source of effective
criticism, the United States, seems reluctant to act. However
there are ways of exerting pressure from within Europe. Odd though
it may appear, many national and European cultural and research
institutions, including especially those funded from the EU and
the European Science Foundation, regard Israel as a European state
for the purposes of awarding grants and contracts. (No other Middle
Eastern state is so regarded). Would it not therefore be timely
if at both national and European level a moratorium was called
upon any further such support unless and until Israel abide by
UN resolutions and open serious peace negotiations with the Palestinians,
along the lines proposed in many peace plans including most recently
that sponsored by the Saudis and the Arab League."
(3) A resolution along these lines was taken by the British Teacher's
union Natfhe, reported in EducationGuardian.co.uk, April 16, 2002,
and is proposed also in a US petition - boycotts@teacher.com, BoycottIsraeliGoods@yahoogroups.com).
(4) The information regarding the anti-Apartheid movement was provided
to me by Noam Chomsky.
(5) For more details on these two poles in Israeli politics, see
my articles, 'Evil Unleashed' http://www.tau.ac.il/~reinhart/political/19_12_01_EvilUnleashed.html
and 'The second half of 1948', http://indymedia.org.il/article/10850
(6) Sari Hanafi, "Palestinian Israeli People to People program
as a mechanism of conflict resolution", lecture delivered at
the 18th conference of the General International Peace Research
Association (IPRA), August 5-9, 2000, Finland. hanafi@p-ol.com)
Tanya Reinhart
is a Professor of Linguistics at Tel Aviv University (http://www.tau.ac.il/~reinhart)
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